- Council Committee Passed the Freeze
- Carol Campbell Passes Away
- My first trip to the public library
- Fight digital exclusion
- What if half of Philadelphia didn't have roads?
- You know, let's not even worry about the City Commissioners office messing up voter registration processing
- Bold ideas to fix the budget
- Mayor Nutter's Town Hall Meeting Schedule
- City Releases Library Information to City Council
- Size of Philadelphia government?
Progressives should support REAL Tax Reform
Progressives in Philadelphia should embrace real tax reform as a major demand in the 2007 election. Morally, it is the right thing to do. Practically, such a demand enables us to move out of the “just say no” box that we’ve been maneuvered into.
Let’s face it: the City’s tax system is broken. But it is not broken for the reasons that the supply-siders have argued. It is in shambles because it is massively regressive.
Fair taxation has always been a central element in the progressive vision of a just society. It is reprehensible that right wing supply-siders, and the ridiculously named organization Philadelphia Forward, have gotten away with labeling themselves as the champions of tax reform in Philadelphia. My dictionary defines “reform” as: “correction of evils, abuses, or errors.” Philadelphia Forward’s idea of tax reform is to compound the present system’s “evils, abuses [and] errors” by making the tax system both less fair and less capable of funding the government. In contrast, this is what Neighborhood Networks’ platform calls for relating to tax reform:
Both business and personal taxes, and the relative burden between them, should be based on the ability to pay. The distinction between small business and large corporations should be taken into account in developing fair tax laws. Those who most benefit from society's opportunities should bear a correspondingly greater responsibility to fund the government and support the welfare of all citizens, thereby reducing the gap between rich and poor. Tax laws should provide sufficient funds to carry out the necessary and desirable tasks of government. In Philadelphia, the tax burden should be shared among citizens of the entire region.
These are traditional progressive principles applied to taxation; they can easily be used to frame our demands to candidates running for Mayor and Council in 2007. Here is a specific program consistent with those principles that we should propose (not yet reviewed by NN):
1) eliminate the gross receipts portion of the Business Privilege Tax for businesses with 20 or fewer employees;
2) exempt such businesses from the Net Profits Tax (currently levied at the same rate as the Wage Tax and applicable to unincorporated businesses);
3) make banks, insurance companies, utilities and security firms subject to the Business Privilege Tax at the same rates as other businesses;
4) graduate the Net Income portion of the Business Privilege Tax;
5) increase the Parking Tax for cars parked 7 hours or more to 25% from the current rate of 15%;
6) replace the wage tax with a graduated income tax which would tax unearned, as well as, earned income. Include exemptions from this tax identical to the State low income tax exemption program;
7) exempt homeowners from real estate tax on the first $30,000 of assessed value;
8) abolish the business tax abatement program except for those businesses providing social benefits in exchange therefore (i.e., daycare for workers, a guaranteed living wage for all workers, minimum health benefits, a carbon-neutral environment, etc.);
9) Impose an arts and entertainment fee on all tickets sold to non-Philadelphians, except to residents of localities or counties which agree to pay the City an appropriate fee for the cost of maintaining the arts and entertainment infrastructure;
10) Collect a substantial fee in lieu of taxes from major non-profit educational, health care and governmental entities with real estate in Philadelphia
This program will be opposed because, among other things, it can’t be entirely implemented without changing state law, perhaps even the state constitution. So why waste time on it? Instead let’s just repeal the Business Privilege Tax. Forget that across the board repeal would be both unfair and harmful to the financial stability of the City.
Here specifically is what Philadelphia Forward will not tell you about the consequences of BPT repeal. Last Fiscal Year the BPT brought in $388 million out of the City’s total tax take of $2.292 billion. In other words, the BPT accounted for 16.5% of all City tax revenue. That amount is almost precisely equal to the combined FY ’06 budgets of the Fire Department, ($154.6 million), the Free Library ($13.6 million), the City Court system ($110 million) the Fairmount Park Commission ($12.6 million) and the Human Services Department ($85.8 million). And there would still be $12 million to spare.
Eliminating the BPT is crackpot realism at its best. It brings to mind how a person without aspirin in the house might react to a crushing headache. One option would be to get in the car, go to the drugstore and buy the aspirin. The individual might even have to go out several different times to several different stores to find the remedy that really works. But all of that would take time and analysis and the headache would still hurt. Why shouldn’t he just bash his head into the wall? It’s something he could do quickly, and it would deal with the pain, but unfortunately, once he woke up -- if ever -- he would undoubtedly wish he had thought it through a bit more.
We have to take the time to get tax reform right. There is, in fact, no emergency. But if there were, bashing our head against the wall by reducing the City’s budget 16.5% would not leave us with a solution once we woke up.
As opposed to the guaranteed losses BPT repeal would cause, the reforms I suggested above may or may not bring in the same revenue as the City currently collects. Although the new tax policy would bring in less business tax revenue from small business, that might be offset by taxing banks, insurance and brokerage companies. Although a real estate circuit breaker would cost the city money, an income tax that taxed capital gains and dividends might make up the gap. In order to set appropriate rates for this program, we need the City Revenue Department to do what it has consistently refused to do over the years: provide meaningful statistics on who pays and who doesn’t pay business taxes in Philadelphia based on the size and income of companies. City candidates should pledge to demand that this information be produced.
If the City does need more funds, whether as a result of tax changes or otherwise, Philadelphia must have a tax system to raise those funds that is fair and feels fair to the large majority of its taxpayers. It is not merely regressive, it is also not practical, to retain a system which is sharply skewed toward the wealthy. That is what we have now with flat tax rates applied to every dollar of wage and business income, and every dollar of assessed real estate value. Exemptions from this scheme are only available to well-off developers, individuals and big businesses. The Philadelphia Forward approach just increases these deformities. For instance, buried within the small print of the Tax Reform Commission report that Forward touts, is the observation that eliminating the BPT will also cause huge increases in real estate assessments and, therefore real estate taxes. Except, of course, none of those increases will fall on the billions of dollars of real estate owned by rich developers and huge corporations that have been exempted from the property tax altogether.
Thus, Philly Forward essentially says, lets impose more pain on the poor on the crackpot theory that ultimately they’ll be glad for their suffering. We should suggest directly curing the pain.
We Must Also Demand Additional State and Federal Aid
Whatever we calculate the revenue take from a new progressive tax system to be, we are likely to need still more. We have multiple crises on our hands in this city. The murder rate is out of hand, the school system continues to founder, the housing supply for the poor is grossly inadequate. In addition, the City’s debt to its pension system, and its health care costs for city workers, are both exploding. Furthermore, PGW is a bankruptcy waiting to happen. We should not have to rely on City taxes alone to meet these needs; we must obtain our fair share of revenue from the state and federal governments. This has to become a major priority, especially given the election results. Hopefully to increase funding from other governments we can form creative alliances with suburban representatives fighting sprawl, other counties that are hurting from paying unconstitutionally imposed court costs, and municipalities in general that are unable to provide essential services.
Of course we will be met with complaints that the State already overfunds the City. This is flatly untrue. Below is a chart comparing the City’s tax effort compared to that of the rest of the state as of 2001.
Philadelphia’s Tax Burden Compared to Other Jurisdictions in
Pennsylvania, Fiscal Year 2001 (Total Taxes Collected as a Percent of Market Value
of Real Estate)
Expenditure Type Philadelphia State Average (Excluding Philadelphia)
Municipal Services 4.3% 0.4%
Public Education 1.8% 2.1%
County Services 2.8% 0.5%
Total 8.9% 3.0%
Source: Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, Department of Community and Economic Development,
2003; City of Philadelphia, 2001; Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, State Tax Equalization Board,
2003.
Some claim that the City’s high tax burden is due to its overspending. But the truth is that Philadelphia has been cutting, not expanding, the size of city government for years. The City has cut 1800 positions over the past 6 years, and current staffing is at a 40 year low. Yet the social problems we must contend with are growing. We are entitled to more support and we should expect those who would be our city leaders to aggressively push for it.
Taxes and Economic Growth
There remains the question of the impact that a progressive tax program would have on economic growth in the City. First we should be clear that most studies debunk the notion that tax rates are a major factor in business location. Although Philadelphia’s Tax Reform Commission found otherwise, its business heavy composition foreordained that result. In contrast, Washington, DC’s tax reform commission found:
The economic effect of taxes tends to be both small and less important than other factors. Labor force availability and quality, for example, appear to be more important for explaining differences across locations in economic activity. The way that tax revenues are spent tends to be important – important enough that high relative taxes may not be a deterrent to economic growth if the revenues are used to finance services of value to business, such as education and transportation infrastructure. These studies do make clear that a policy of cutting taxes to induce economic growth is not likely to be efficient or cost-effective in the general case.
Countless other studies have found essentially the same thing. Our program should include business tax cuts; however they should be based on principles of fairness and targeted towards smaller and neighborhood-based businesses. But the cuts we propose – for business as well as individuals -- should also produce economic benefits. Making individual and business taxes progressive, and cutting real estate taxes for poorer homeowners through a circuit breaker program, would put money into the hands of neighborhood people. Those city residents, by and large, would spend their extra income in the City, helping to revitalize neighborhoods. On the other hand, Philadelphia Forward’s proposal to cut business taxes across the board would largely result in enrichment of upper income businesses and individuals. Much of those cuts would wind up in dividends to shareholders living around the world, and in the purchase of goods and services from locations far from our borders. So a program of progressive reform would not only be the right thing to do from the perspective of tax justice; it would also be the right thing to do for the Philadelphia economy.
To sum up, progressives in Philly should embrace real tax reform, not shun it, and real tax reform should be a major priority that we should push in the upcoming election. We know that the City must spend significant sums, perhaps more than at present, to grapple with the myriad problems the City faces. To do that the people of the City will properly insist that we raise those funds with appropriate participation by those who have done best in our society, and by other branches of government that have not contributed their fair share. Let’s insist that both those things happen. And let’s take back the tax issue from those whose only real goal is the upward redistribution of wealth, and who ever so artfully, have concealed the damage they seek to do to ordinary Philadelphians.











Great post, Stan
From now on, I suggest that when anyone posts here advocating the elimination of the BPT - they be automatically linked to this post.
Can that be one of the new features of the site?
Humbly, I agree
But for some reason, the post wasn't put on the front page where it would grab readers' immediate attention. Too bad, I thought a discussion of progressive alternatives is what this site is all about.
A really, really great post, Stan
Maybe if I keep posting this kind of comment it will get put to the front page?
Your proposals are unconstitutional
While you do not come out and say it, your reforms all involve adoption of a graduated tax structure (people/corporations with higher levels of income are taxed at a higher rate). Unfortunately, as recognized by the Philadelphia Tax Reform Commission, such proposals are inconsistent with the Uniformity Clause of the PA constitution.
All told, it is pretty disingenuous (if not completely dishonest) to trash Philadelphia Forward for advocating a tax system that does not set rates according to people's ability to pay when such reforms are prohibited by the Commonwealth's Constitution. Moreover, as noted elsewhere, the leadership of Philadelphia Forward does recognize that the ultimate solution lies in amending the PA constitution to allow for the adoption of a progressive tax structure.
Instead of needlessly trashing people, we ought to be working together to a common solution. Instead of wasting our time fighting amongst ourselves trying to decide whether to support the "People's Front of Judea" or the "Judean People's Front" (http://www.mwscomp.com/movies/brian/brian-07.htm), we ought to work together to accomplish what appears to be your common goal - amending the PA constitution to permit the adoption of a progressive tax structure.
If not, we might as well call you Loretta.
;)
______________________________
Phillyville
I prefer "People's Front of Judea". . . It puts people first
I must say it's amazing how many times in the blogosphere people trash people while urging them not to trash people.
I've read your monty python script and your analogy is lame. Yes, we should all refrain from making proposals that are physically impossible. So if your point were that we shouldn't demand that the men have babies as an answer to sex discrimination, your reference would make sense. But as "elp" noted, changing the PA constitution is quite within the realm of possibility. Not that it's easy, but as I've previously suggested, doing hard things is better than doing bad things.
As to Philly Forward. Brett Mandel may have whispered sweet nothings into Marc Stier's ear, but he has yet to let the rest of the world into his supposedly more progressive side. The Philly Forward website is devoid of any mention of graduated taxes. (It is wildly cluttered, so if I missed it, please let me know.) Furthermore, I've watched Brett Mandel, Forward's alter ego, up close and personal. Plus I've read more of his simplistic one note emails than I can count. He's all about eliminating, that is E-L-I-M-I-N-A-T-I-N-G the BPT, and little more (other than some clean govt. initiatives which are not, as the lawyers say, here pertinent.) I know he reads, and sometimes posts to, this blog. I'd be thrilled for him to post about his commitment to graduated taxes, but I think we're all going to have to wait awhile. And when Brett does post, I'm also going to be looking for a list of the organizational resources he's going to devote to that campaign. That would be NADA, so far.
But for sure he would agree with you. Doing graduated taxing is difficult, so let's just throw that baby out with the bathwater and do away with the $388 mil a year we get from the BPT. Hmm . . . I wonder if monty python has ever done a bit about that.
Agreed: Let's Change the PA Constitution
Agreed. Article VIII, Section 1 of the PA Constitution needs to be changed or removed entirely. That section (Uniformity of Taxation) states "All taxes shall be uniform, upon the same class of subjects, within the territorial limits of the authority levying the tax, and shall be levied and collected under general laws."
How to change it? Amendments to the Pennsylvania Constitution may be proposed in either the Senate or the House of Representatives but must pass in both by a majority vote of the members elected. Three months before the next general election, the proposed amendment is published in at least two newspapers in every county. After the election, the amendment must again be approved through a majority vote of the members of the General Assembly. The amendment is again published and voted on by the entire electorate. If passed by a majority vote, the amendment becomes part of the Constitution. No individual amendment can be submitted more often than once in five years, and when two or more amendments are submitted at once, they are voted on separately. Or by having a Constitutional Convention. The problem with having an amendment attempt is that the legislature is very hesitant to do anything that can be called (or lead to) a tax increase. The problem with trying to get a Constitutional Convention is that it would likely be very difficult to get traction to reopen the Constitution and as you will see below, the last time there was a Constitutional Convention, the uniformity clause was by the enabling law authorizing the Constitutional Convention not allowed to be changed. I actually think the Constitutional Convention way is the more viable of the two ways due my earlier comment about the tax raising issue as a single Constitutional amendment issue, and the recent outcry over the pay raise issue, and issues recently raised by the Governor (e.g. changing the size of the legislature), which would likely dictate amending the Constitution via a convention.
To have a Constitutional Convention it takes a law, enacted by the General Assembly and approved by the people. Ironically, the law that authorized the 1967 Constitutional Convention specifically prohibited any change in the uniformity clause of the constitution (at that Convention). The legislation was quite specific and called for a convention with limited powers. The ballot question was submitted to the voters at the primary election in May 1967. The legislation itself passed both houses and was signed by Governor Raymond P. Shafer effective March 15, 1967. The legislation specified the actual wording of the referendum on holding a convention, the number of delegates (163), how they were to be elected (3 from each senatorial district plus various Senate and House leaders and the Lieutenant Governor), the qualification of delegates, nominating petitions for candidates, the preparatory committee to make arrangements (the designated House and Senate leadership), an appropriation to fund the Preparation Committee’s work, a convening date and place, (Dec. 1, 1967 at Harrisburg). The powers of the Convention were limited to: 1) legislative apportionment, 2) judicial administration, organization, selection, and tenure, 3) local government, and 4) taxation and state finance, and any amendment proposed but not approved at the May 1967 primary. The convention was specifically prohibited from imposing a graduated income tax. The date for voter approval was set for the primary election of 1968.
Both options are difficult. One way to proceed, might be to work out a list of proposed issues that people would want to see be considered at a Constitutional Convention, and include some other progressive ideas and ones that have started to gather political support. In addition to removing the uniformity clause, I would start with changes to Article II, Section 3 (impose term limits); Article II, Section 8 (compensation, fix the current loopholes and limit reimbursement); Article II, Section 16 (decrease the number of house and senate districts); Article II, Section 17 (reapportionment, make it non-political ideally following the Iowa model), Article III, Section 4 (consideration of bills, require that all amendments be printed and read on the floor, that all bills in their final amended form be considered on three different days in each House and that unless there is a predefined emergency, that all bills be posted on the internet in their final amended form at least 48 hours before they are voted upon); Article III, Section 14 (public schools, define and spell out an appropriate funding level); Article V, Section 13 (election of judges, end this and go with merit selection) . . . and I am sure there are other changes that make sense.
Not a lawyer, but...
I'm no lawyer, but here's what I think we should do:
a- we should work ASAP, while we have a majority, to ammend the constitution.
b- in the meantime, there's no reason (that's been tested in court) the state leg can not introduce uniform exemptions. These aren't as progressive as a graduated tax, but basically you could give every tax payer a $1,000, $5,000, $10,000 or whatever sum you like rebate on taxes paid. This obviously benefits lower wage earners more than higher and is a good short-term fix.
I would say amending the
I would say amending the constitution to allow anything other than a uniform tax is as likely as me whopping Mike Tyson in a bare knuckle boxing match--not going to happen. I think we are overstating the one vote majority that we have in one of the two chambers. Plus, do you honestly think all democrats would support a amending this provision?
Honestly, I do not agree with all of Stan’s positions stated above. Sorry, I’m a bad “progressive” tonight. In particular, I disagree with proposals number 6, 7, 9 and maybe 10. The rest are okay. I could write more about these later, but I think it is safe to say—it is difficult to amend constitutions for a reason.
Beating Mike Tyson doesn't get you anywhere, so why . . .
would you do it, but amending the Uniformity Clause is worth the fight. I'm one of those who thought getting the R's to increase the minimum wage was also impossible. But you don't know until you try, do you.
Ray's ideas are good, but actually even getting income tax exemptions runs afoul of the uniformity clause unless they're structured just like the state income tax exemptions are structured. We actually passed that in City Council, but it's been postponed until 2013. Other parts of what I proposed, such as substituting an income tax for the wage tax could actually be done simply through a change in state law, not the constitution, but that too would involve a fight since rich folks, who will still have a bit of power under Democratic rule, don't want to pay taxes on their capital gains. (They're supposed to pay some to the school district, but it's an unenforced tax.)
Other items on the list, like giving a break to companies with 20 employees or less could, probably be done by Council alone, as could an increase in the Parking Tax. But I think we should get behind a comprehensive program, and then start fighting for the parts.
And the big idea would be we're not settling for regressive changes just because it's going to take time before we can win the progressive ones. Should be obvious, but it's not to too many of us.
class warfare
Literally 90% of Pennsylvania taxpayers would see a tax savings on the PIT if a uniformity clause was introduced and it could be done revenue neutrally. You could raise the PIT by a point and still most people would only pay what they pay now if a uniform exemption were introduced.
If a uniform exemption was introduced and was implemented before a court challenge to its constitutionality, there'd be at least six months to a year for Democrats to show constitunets how great graduated income taxes are. If that political good will from the public is built up, the long-term effort to ammend the constitution should be easy.
That assumes the taxes would
That assumes the taxes would even be collected in those 6 months. All that is needed is a court challenge. If presented the opportunity, a court would slap an injunction or writ of prohibition on the collection of taxes in violation of the law. The same thing we have asked the court to do re casinos. I guess I am not seeing Democracts who have a paper thin majority in a pretty moderate state wanting to spend the political capital to pass a bill that is unconstitutional and then amend the constition.
Why do you think we would see a tax savings? Are you taking into account the time it would take to enforce, audit and the additional costs individuals to prepare their taxes?
By the latter I mean, we
By the latter I mean, we need to take into account enforcement and collecting practices to see if the Commonwealth benefits from such a plan.
Provided the rates were SIGNIFICANTLY lower than the federal rates, like--no higher than 5-6% tops, I could think about supporting it. But, people are not just revenue producers. We also want to encourage them to spend money, save money and do all sorts of other things just as important to the Commonwealth's economcy as taxing.
Auditing and enforcement costs
would not be measurably increased by adding progressivity.
The hard part of doing my federal income tax is not figuring out how much I owe on my taxable income--there's a table in the back where I look that up, and the generation of the tables involves a simple set of arithmetical operations by the IRS computers. The difficulty is at the front end--figuring out which parts of the money I've taken in count as taxable income. That's also where auditing and enforcement costs come in--they're checking the front end, not the back end. Having different brackets makes no difference to that.
I'm not evaluating the
I'm not evaluating the actual merits of such a move, but the chances of it passing.
Do you honestly think a local income tax versus a flat wage tax is a good thing? For 2007, the wage tax is 4.26%. What percentages would you propose to graudate this item. Would they resemble the federal tax structure, up to 30-odd%? Or, would they be lower? Honestly, speaking as a person who has no problem paying his wage tax (or any others), if you give me a local income tax of 10%--that would make me start to seriously consider my residency options. I am just as committed to Philadelphia as the next guy or girl, but unless that 10% represents my contribution the best services in the world, it is too burdensome.
While I think a number of your proposals re business are important and should be discussed, I see no point in raising any individual's taxes from the 4% we are at now so that it would not seem regressive. The problem that we do not talk about is why PEOPLE leave the city. We focus so much on why businesses leave or don't come, that we ignore the most critical situation--we are still losing POPULATION. Much of that loss are middle earners who can AFFORD to live here and elsewhere and who pay wage and property taxes. We need to keep them, not drive them off by making their finacial calculations any different.
Personally, I live close enough to Center City that I retain all of the benefits of living in a city center--public transit, events, etc. But, the people in neighborhoods as far away as Somerton--what is the difference between there and South Hampton. The answer--a few miles and dollars. P
Yes, the more you make, the more you should pay
The essence of your comment is this: poor people, listen up. You don't have a choice where to live, so suck it up and pay more than your fair share. The rest of us will do what we damn please, so we demand to be treated better than we deserve.
Well, poor people do have a choice, they can decide not to work, or work in an underground economy which generates lots of bad stuff that eventually all of us have to pay for in higher taxes and class tension. Furthermore, if you have fair taxes that everyone pays, the top rate might not have to go up that much for anyone. And, even if they do go up, a seemingly graduated local tax might really be barely flat after you take into consideration federal tax law. Top rate-payers, those who itemize, deduct their taxes at the federal level, so their real tax rate is lower. Because of that fact, we do have graduated local taxes now, graduated in favor of the rich. And the rich also, of course, get to pay lower real estate taxes because a) their properties tend to be underassessed, b)they get to deduct their real estate taxes too, along with their mortgage interest, at high rates, c) many of them are getting their taxes fully abated for 10 years.
Lastly, I don't think people leave the city due to tax rates if they think they're getting their money's worth. If we have a livable city in which neighborhoods are clean and safe, schools top-notch, and government transparent and honest, people will want to live here even if they have to pay more. Rich people willingly pay more for expensive cars and vacations, don't they? Why not for wonderful places in which to live?
Respectfully, Stan, you are
Respectfully, Stan, you are wrong. That is not the essence of my comment. That is your puffing about my comment.
The essence of my comment (and in fact almost every comment I post) is, Philadelphia needs to focus on keeping people here so we can actually pay for all of these wonderful things we dicuss. Most especially, so we can pay the pensions of the boatload of municipal workers who will retire in the next 20 years.
You use of the term "fair share" is gratuitous at best. Consider homeowners who do not have 10 year abatements (the vast majority of homeowners in the city), they pay taxes on property and wages. How is that not a fair share if that is what the system allows? If their property has a higher value, then they pay more in taxes--that seems pretty graduated to me. But, I repeat, if you show me what percentages we are talking about, I could agree with you.
Also, you response paints the world in two hues--poor and rich. Well, most of Philadelphia (at least the Philadelphia I grew up in) is in the very gray middle of those two. My pause or concern is related to how we are going to tax the famlies in Port Richmond more, when they too have mouths to feed, children to clothe and who are working every day for wages that do not reflect their effort. Let's just take more from them. It is, by sheer demography these souls that will bear the burden of taxes. It is also one reason why, when these families have a chance, they leave.
If progressives want to make a true difference in Philadelphia, they have to realize there are more than just poor and rich people here. The class "warfare" you see is a red herring. Philadelphia is no more divided by the extremes of rich and poor as it is by Spring Garden street. The true divides in Philadelphia are based on a very graduated class structure from poor, to working poor, to working class, to lower middle class, to middle class and above. Sometimes, these divides are indistinguishable.
I know it is easier to want to fight against something, namely wealthy Philadelphians, but let us take some time to actually figure out what this city looks like before we start talking about taxes, increases in them and/or who pays a "fair share."
Also, my comment was not about poor Philadelphians--but trying to get us all to remember those in the middle who actually leave. In case you forgot, they are important too.
Didn't mean to be harsh, but
I do think the concern about graduated taxes has been developed by the rich to scare the middle class into allying itself against the poor. I didn't mean to suggest, and apologize if in haste I did, that you are any part of that.
But let's think about it. Why would graduated taxes necessarily hurt the middle class? We don't know what the rates would be. They would be one thing if the rates applied only to wages, but I've proposed that the wage tax become an income tax. So all income would be taxed (and as much as a third of that extra tax on unearned income would be paid for by the federal government because it would be deductible from federal taxes.) Also, as I suggested in my original post, we should demand sharp increases in lieu of taxes from the huge nonprofits in town, and payments in lieu of taxes from the state and federal governments for occupying real estate that would otherwise be tax generating. A parking tax increase would generate additional income and be environmentally positive. Furthermore, there are other revenue increases we should demand from both state and federal governments. For instance, we pay over $100 million a year for court costs, despite a PA Supreme Court decision 10 years or so ago that said the constitutional duty to pay for the courts rested with the Commonwealth. The legislature has thumbed its nose at that decision. We shouldn't tolerate that for any number of reasons.
I think we need a multi-level strategy on revenue, some of which should be based on tax reform -- real reform -- and some based on other measures. But I don't think we should rely on a regressive tax system based on the false presumption that fairness means the middle class will get killed. That doesn't have to be true.
Finally, and as a postscript, there are lots of other ways the middle class gets screwed that ought to be part of a "fairness" agenda. Why do people with perfectly fine driving records get charged ridiculous car insurance rates just because they have a city zipcode. The same is true about homeowner rates. And why do we effectively have to use city funds to prop up PGW. It should be allowed to compete with PECO in the suburbs. If we had some decent regulatory reform in Harrisburg, we could change those things.
If we added these other things to a progressive agenda, costs for a lot of things, including taxes, could come down in Philly, and we could be fair to all classes of folks, low, middle and upper. We now have a much stronger Democratic presence in DC and Harrisburg; let's make them get to work for all of us.
Keeping middle class retirees in Philly
Gaetano is making some good points about progressive taxation at the local level. Last time I looked we haven’t built a wall around Phila. People can leave.
My guess is we would all like to see more progressive rates on individuals at federal level. I doubt if many individuals would be willing to give up U.S. citizenship to escape high marginal tax rates. But local policy makers need to think about that tipping point: when do tax rates becomes so high that they encourage middle class flight and further erode our tax base?
Here’s one example: Among many of my friends and colleagues in their mid 50’s through early 60’s, the main topic of conversation is retirement. When do we do it and where do we go? I hear all this talk of Mexico, Jamaica, and the Carolinas. (What is this with North Carolina? About half the people I know seem to be contemplating retiring there.)
Middle class retirees are among the most mobile citizens and in some ways the most desirable. They put few strains on city services: they have no school age children, are not likely to commit violent crime, have health insurance and so are paying customers in our hospitals.
In addition to the home gown retirees, we have all those empty nesters moving in from the suburbs and buying center city condos. A recent article in Inquirer described a couple from outside the region, who moved to Philly to retire because of our walkable down town, cultural amenities etc.
We want to keep these folks, just as we want to keep those recent college grads. I am much more concerned about keeping the home grown retirees—and not just because I don’t want to lose my friends. The homegrown retirees are much more like to contribute to the civic life of Phila and its neighborhoods than are the recent arrivals. After all many of them—and this is particularly true I think of middle class African Americans—having been doing this all their lives. If anything, their civic involvement will increase in retirement.
Someone will probably reply than I don’t care about poor retirees. I do (and with a little less luck in life could easily have become one), but if we are to provide the services we need, then we’ve got to get the revenue from somewhere. We need to both attract business and keep our middle class.
Sure there are some of us who are not likely to move because of high taxes. I have an irrational (?) love for this city and intend it to be my final resting place. Fortunately, my husband has been willing to go long with this. His dream of retiring to the isle of Manhattan is just not affordable.
But there are a lot of folks who don’t share my attachment to our city. Many people are going to take a hard look at their retirement income, their expenses, including their local tax liability, and carefully weigh their options.
karen
I guess I can only repeat myself that
a) graduated taxes don't necessarily mean that middle class people will pay more; b) we can put together a comprehensive program which lowers the revenue that needs to be raised by local taxes, thus insuring that middle class people don't have to pay more, and c) for every retiree who may leave due to (slightly) higher taxes, if any, there will be just as many, if not more, that leave because we cut corporate taxes across the board, lessen overall revenue, and then have lousy city services, not to mention increased social unrest.
And, btw, perhaps not too many people will leave the country due to federal taxes, but it's not hard to leave PA. The fear of losing PA businesses and residents is a major factor that has kept PA income taxes among the lowest in the nation, but has yet to stem the tide of people leaving. We are a very low growth state, maybe even a negative growth state. Maybe if we raised more revenue, fairly, closed corporate loopholes, which are gaping, and improved state services we would do better. The same goes for Philadelphia.
The conservative fear-mongering noise machine is relentless and has been blasting us for decades. I have to fight hard myself to avoid being intellectually captured by it. But I see no actual evidence that to be fair to the middle class we have to coddle the rich and big corporations, at the local, state or federal levels.
Increase Sales Tax, Decrease Wage and Real Estate Taxes and BPT
The biggest financial burden to retirees in Pennsylvania is the ever increasing real estate taxes, especially in areas outside of the City of Philadelphia. School district millage increases routinely exceed any CPI or consumer earning increases. A possible solution using the current reality with the Uniformity Clause in place is to have the sales tax applied to all goods and purchases (include clothing and all food as well as services such as lawyers, consultants and possibly doctors). This would likely generate well over $500 million a year. Also consider adding one percentage point to the sales tax, this would generate well over $1 billion a year (even if the sales tax was not applied to clothing, all food and services). Before people shout that this is regressive consider that this funding could result in a significant decrease in the wage and/or real estate taxes and/or the BPT in Philadelphia and a dramatic decrease in real estate taxes in the rest of the state; and consider the scenarios below. To look at a few numbers in terms of the tax increases with a change in the sales tax rate (without factoring in any offset decreases in wage and real estate taxes and BPT):
Scenario 1: Apply the sales tax to all purchased good and services. Person earning $20,000 a year. Currently spending $12,000 a year on goods and services of which $10,000 currently has the sales tax applied and $2,000 does not have the sales tax applied. With $2,000 having a sales tax of 8 percent applied (assume Philadelphia and a 1 percentage point increase) and $10,000 having the additional 1 percent increase applied there would be a new sales tax payment of $260 per year.
Scenario 2: Apply the sales tax to all purchased good and services. Person earning $350,000 a year. Currently spending $200,000 a year on goods and services of which $150,000 currently has the sales tax applied and $50,000 does not have the sales tax applied. With $50,000 having a sales tax of 8 percent applied (assume Philadelphia and a 1 percentage point increase) and $150,000 having the additional 1 percent increase applied there would be a new sales tax payment of $5,500 per year.
Scenario 3: Apply the sales tax to all purchased good and services. Engineering firm earning $5,000,000 a year. Currently spending $500,000 a year on goods and services of which $300,000 currently has the sales tax applied and $200,000 does not have the sales tax applied. With $200,000 having a sales tax of 8 percent applied (assume Philadelphia and a 1 percentage point increase) and $300,000 having the additional 1 percent increase applied there would be a new sales tax payment of $19,000 per year.
There of course are a range of scenarios, but these three show potential scenarios towards the lower and higher ends of the spectrum for residents and for a sample business. Assuming that the new sales tax revenue results in decreases in real estate taxes, seniors and most homeowners would be a big beneficiary of this change in tax policy. Keep in mind that businesses would be paying a significant portion of the new sales tax revenue. The new sales tax revenue could also be used to lessen the wage tax and BPT in Philadelphia, which as we know are also a concern in some quarters.
While you can argue that my scenarios might apply too little or too much to earnings spent on sales taxable items, the concept is valid. The main issue against this system goes back to politics. When this was discussed in Harrisburg over the past several years it went no where because of special interest groups and the fact that there would be some perceived loosers in this scenario (e.g. professional firms that would have to start charging their clients sales tax if that change was made, and retailers who argue that more customers would flee to Delaware and make other buying changes if the sales tax is increased by one percentage point).
Though, a 1% increase is
Though, a 1% increase is something we need to look at.
But related to services:
What would happen if you applied the sales tax to services, such as legal, medical and engineering--they become more expensive for poor and middle class people who have trouble enough hiring lawyers and other professionals.
Imagine a lawyer who bills at $200 an hour--per hour their services will cost (assuming 7%) = $214 dollars. Now, imagine if this is an important trial where the lawyer's firm will work at least 50 hours getting ready and actually trying--that equals $10,000 plus the $700 in sales tax. For people with insurance, their rates could rise to account for the additional cost.
Services are expensive enough, particularly if you can't qualify for pro bono legal services, we shouldn't make it harder for people to have access to them.
Plus, as a lawyer and officer of the court, I would be highly suspect of any attempt to tax (a creature of the legislature) my services to clients. The power to tax is the power to destroy--at least according to our founding fathers.
why should servcies be exempt?
when the sales tax was first introduced, the goal of the state was to capture revenue based on the sales of goods. in an economy where more people made their living off of the production and sale of goods, this made sense.
in an economy where more people now make more money off of the sale of services, it makes sense to tax services.
there's been a fundamental shift in the economy and it makes sense for the state and the city to realign its revenue collection strategy with the "action" so to speak in terms of the economy.
However, why should we tax food and clothing as well? Just the inclusion of services with the existing rate will pump billions of additional dollars into the state treasury.
a tax on clothing and food, which are generally priced the same for most people, is very unfair to lower wage earners. and the more lower wage earners have to spend on food, the less they will spend in other parts of the economy.
the needs of business and individuals in terms of tax policy may be different--but there's no rule that says tax policy has to operate in a "eye for an eye" sort of way.
Okay--if you want to make
Okay--if you want to make services like legal and medical more expensive than they already are, go for it.
In terms of who is buying, not everyone, particularly the poor, middle class, new businesses, etc., can afford to retain such services. Let's go ahead and make them more expensive.
Yes--our economy has changed from manufacturing to service based, but that does not mean people do not buy goods. The economy is still consumer driven, with tangible goods making up a very large portion of things being sold. It is also not what people make more money doing, but what people are buying. Unless we no longer have a need for "things" and I am unaware of this, I still see the tax as one on goods.
Spirit of the law
All I am saying that sales tax policy was originally aimed at the corporations who were buying goods on a large scale more than it was aimed at consumers. The money that government aimed to collect from that sales tax isn't there anymore--most of our goods are not produced in the US anymore.
Yet accounting, legal, consulting, and medical services have grown exponentially and yet their services remain untaxed.
If you define taxable items as only goods and not services you deny the fact that more people than ever before make income off of the sale of services than goods.
If you wanted to maintain the spirit of the original sales tax laws, you'd expand them to services. To not do so is unfair to the much smaller number of manufacturers and sellers of goods.
If you don't like that, propose a revenue neutral, fair way to tax something else. I think with CEO salaries kajillions of times higher than workers than ever before, a graduated income tax makes sense.
Further, Gaetano, I disagree with you that the majority of Philadelphians are middle-wage earners. Census data from the 1969 on shows that less and less Philadelphians earn wages in the middle quintiles. Most middle-wage earners have left the city or become lower wage earners.
A graduated income tax would mean a tax savings or no change for most middle-wage earners and would reduce taxes for lower wage earners. Higher income folks would pay more--the fair share they have been bilking us out of for years.
Finally, there is only one reason medical services are as costly as they are and that's insurance. If we could fix the healthcare industry, a tax on medical services would be no big deal. However, if that's truly an issue for you, there oculd be a medical exemption.
As for legal services, tell me, what % of legal services are purchased by individuals and what % by corporations?
What you are saying, Gaetano
and Ray's posts capture it well, is that whatever we do that seems fair, really screws middle income people. So let's forget about the fairness project. Then when we hear complaints about taxes we go to what's left after we've eliminated fairness. Voila! Let's repeal the BPT.
No--again, not what I am
No--again, not what I am saying at all. I am not going to repeat everything I have written, but maybe I will issue what I consider to be a well reasoned disclaimer to the progressive community--whatever project you are working on, it needs to take into account the people who are actually paying to run this city. That is all. I would just like to see the conversations we are having maybe, for a change, focus on the large group of people in the middle.
That aside--am I living in a world where people think the population of Philadelphia is stable? As if there could be no other place to go, but Philadelphia. As if we have do not continue to lose thousands of residents (or, people who pay for stuff) a year for other places. Maybe it is because I am, generally, working to middle class place where people can, and do leave--every year that I take population loss so seriously. I have seen it, so aside from the numbers, I have first hand proof of what is apparently the largest rouse ever.
Also, I have never advocated eliminating the BPT. If you can find a post or even an indication that that is my position, I will buy you lunch. But, you will not--it isn't there. In fact, my tax policy is quite reasoned--efficiency reviews and evaluations, stepped up tax enforcement and collection--then a determination of what we need re: taxes. We could find ourselves in a position where we can lower the wage tax all around--or in a situation where we need to raise it. But, I just do not know how we know this at this time.
And let me re-emphasize what I am saying
a) not that you personally are for elimination of the BPT, Gaetano, but that unless progressives together find a formula for raising revenue fairly, the BPT will get eliminated nevertheless.
b) a graduated tax system, both on the personal and business sides, does not have to result in higher taxes for the middle class if it's combined with other revenue raising measures. I have no interest in raising taxes for the middle class. Mostly I would like big corporations to pay their fair share, and to find other revenue sources which can allow us to pay for expansion of city services. I suggested a number of such approaches to more revenue in my original list, but I'm more than open to others.
c) if we can do b) I do not believe business will flee from the city, particularly small businesses which are really our economic lifeblood, because 1) part of our program would be to cut small business taxes, and 2) we will have the money to fix up our town and make it a hot place in which to locate a business.
d) I'm frustrated that some of us equate progressive taxation with higher taxes on the middle class. It ain't necessarily so.
Does it really matter the
Does it really matter the percentage of legal services purchased by individuals versus not? No--not really. All that matters is that people need legal services and they are already expensive.
I guess I mis-typed. What I meant to say was, it is a faclicy to think the majority of Philadelphians are poor. Rather, most fall within the working to middle class category. I thought I was pretty clear. But, if approximately 21% of Philadelphia live below the poverty line and only 1.2% of the families have incomes over $200,000--where do you think everyone else falls in?
Now, 21% is way too many--but the point here is, until someone presents the percentages and income breakdowns we are talking about, I have to assume we are starting at a rate of 4% (the current wage tax) for Philadelphia's poorest and rising from there, which is a tax increase for the other 79% of the city. But, the fact of the matter is--the wage tax does contribute to why families who can, leave.
And, do you not agree that we, as a city where people are leaving, need to be sensitive as to what makes these families leave? Or, do we just say, oh well, we are better off without a middle or working class.
Aside from that, I guess we should just get rid of our these partes of our society(however defined and, apparently, what remains of them) because they are just not so fun to talk about.
People have to pay for things. Maybe our time should be spent figuring out a "progressive" method for people to stay and/or move in. You know, use our resources to attract new immigrants, families, middle class retierees and people who will buy property, pay taxes, etc.(those families would be more likely to want governmental reform too), instead of talking about a largely unconstitutional taxing structure that will not have the political will to be voted on with a one person Democratic majority in the General Assembly. Because, I am sure DeWesse is really interested in a pro-tax platform to preserve that majority.
I'm sorry if I am being curt here, but a picture of our city is not complete without talking about 70-odd% of the population.
Because I am a nice guy--here is a picture of Philadelphia based on the most recent census materials, courtosey of the Delaware Valley Regional Planning Commission (who I worked for):
According to that census, our population was 1,517,550--it has falled by at least 40,000 people since.
The median age--34.2 years (pretty young).
46% of Philadelphians are White
44.35 are African American
About 60% of the city owns there own home (pretty good percentage for such a poor town, I guess).
About 40% rent their homes (I'm one of these people).
Educational attainment:
33.3% of Philadelphians have a high school diploma--21.3% have less.
10.3% have graduated with a 4 year degree (that is pretty low).
7.5% have a graduate or professional degree.
91% of our population is native to the United States--the other 9% are not. We should make a large push to get more immigrants into the city, some in high paying service sectors too.
Household income:
About 60% of Households make between $15-75,000, which doesn’t mean the people on the lower end are impoverished--as we discussed, the rate is 21%. In 1999 that rate was 18.4%--so, it has seemed to increase.
But--we have to realize, the city is not poor v. rich. There is a large in between.
I am a nice guy too
I hate having these kinds of discussions in the comments sections because everyone digs in to their position and works harder to prove their point that to actually listen. As such, I'd like to point your attention to a 3-party series i wrote last year on the economy that contains my beliefs about what's up. Take a look here.
In short though,
According to most federal and state agencies that give out aid (like WIC. food stamps, housing, adultBasic etc.), the poverty line is out of date. As such, it's much more reasonable to look at poverty for a family of four as living below $45 or $50 k a year. In Philly, that is about half our population--many more than Gaetano claims above.
Additionally, the middle class that Gaetano refers to is a historic remenant--in 1940's, 50's and early 60's rowhouse Philadelphia, the middle class was King, but the size of that group has declined steadily every year with the result being that median wages in Philadelphia today are worth less than they were to median wage earners in 1969.
Why?
Because the bottom fell out of our economy in the 50's, 60's and 70's with advances in industrial technology and the move of most manufacturers down south and eventually over seas.
This ain't rocket science.
As such, we do need to revise tax policy--both on businesses and individuals--but, one place where Gaetano and I agree is that the problems our city faces are bigger than ANY tax policy change can solve.
BPT cutters claim that cutting the tax will bring business back, but this seems counter-intuitive to me. If businesses didn't leave because of the tax--but left instead in pursuit of cheaper labor and space for rapid plant expansion--why would they come back because we cut taxes?
A more logical approach to me is to come up with a strategy for bring companies here who want or need to be here and then figuring out how to make it happen. Rather than give away the store with tax cuts, let's give away real capital to businesses we think could really help Philadelphia if they had the funds to build and hire here.
On the other side of the fence, liberals like Stan say that introducing a graduated income tax will help solve Philly's problems, and why it will help, a graduated tax on $30,000 a year is better than a flat tax--but for Christ's sake, it's still only $30,000 a year. That's why I think the Cohen tax cut plan for low-wage earners was dumb--the city would lose millions and revenue so that low wage earners would pay like $40 less a pay in taxes--talk about robbing Peter to pay Paul.
In short (I mean it this time), as the title of one of my three-parters (that you can and should read here, ) says wages matter the most (not taxes).
One quick sidenote to Gaetano: it totally matters what % of legal, accounting and other professional services are sold to business vs. individuals.
If, as I suspect, most legal services are sold to corporations, that means in terms of implementing a tax policy you could find a way to exempt everyday citizens who need to go to court for a custody fight, divorce, med mal or whatever vs. Comcast's need to have contracts written or the City's need for legal services from Wolf, Block.
THE PA BAR ASSOCIATION'S RETORT--DIRECT QUOTE
Arguments Against a Sales Tax on Professional Legal Services
A sales tax on professional legal services is a tax on the basic, constitutional right of citizens to access justice and the courts.
The tax would be a burden on the justice system. The defense or assertion of basic legal rights, whether in a criminal or civil court, should not be taxed. The right to counsel is protected in the Fifth, Sixth, and Fourteenth Amendments.
Taxing a person's ability to defend himself in a criminal defense case, taxing the poor for legal services or taking money from a worker's compensation award raises serious constitutional problems that already have been identified in other states. 3
The attorney-client privilege will be compromised by this tax. If the state has to determine what types of services an attorney preformed (i.e. for an audit), confidentially may be breached. An audit of an attorney's client's fund account in administering the tax would disclose the work that is being performed for that client and the nature of the client's need for service, thereby violating privacy.
In a significant number of cases, people do not "choose" to use a lawyer. They seek legal help because of criminal charges, injury, death, divorce, domestic abuse, housing, credit, workers' compensation and bankruptcy. Clients dealing with such legal issues should not be taxed on the legal fees they incur.
The tax would impair and reduce the availability of pro bono services that government is urging lawyers to supply, partly in place of tax-supported services to the poor.
A sales tax is a regressive tax.
It is commonly accepted that the sales tax is highly regressive. The poor will pay a larger percentage of their income in total taxed purchases than the wealthy.
A tax on legal assistance will have a detrimental impact upon the availability of legal representation to many people, because it is regressive and will reduce their ability to pay for legal services, due to its increased cost.
The sales tax is a "misery tax." Rather than taxing discretionary spending, the tax is on necessary expenses.
The tax would place a tremendous burden on those already having financial problems. Clients seeking legal advice on dissolution of marriage, bankruptcy, child support, collection and other similar cases are those who can least afford to pay an additional charge.
The poor should not pay tax on legal (or medical services), just as they should not on other, already identified basic necessities (food and clothing). Notably, the expanded sales tax also would be imposed on food and clothing, thereby exacerbating its regressive nature.
A sales tax is bad for business.
A tax on professional legal services would encourage clients to use professional services from outside the state. This is especially true of border communities and sophisticated clients.
The tax is a disincentive for businesses and professionals to locate here, resulting in lost jobs, wages and taxes.
Legal expenses are an ordinary and necessary part of carrying on a trade or business. Business relies on legal services for copyright, patent or trademark protection, for contract negotiation and dispute, and for growth and expansion involving all aspects of a business. In this regard, a tax on legal services is both an added cost and disincentive to invest, and a form of pyramiding; and, both will cause Pennsylvania products to be more expensive and less competitively priced.
Of business consumers, the overwhelming majority are small businesspeople. This tax, as it is proposed, would be unfairly imposed because it would fall hardest on small businesses. Large corporations can hire their own in-house attorneys (and other professional services) to perform that work. Because the work is done in-house, these legal services would not be taxed. However, small and medium size businesses cannot afford to hire their own in-house attorneys (and other professional services). These new taxes would be a huge strain on small businesses, which are commonly known as the heart of our economy.
no dice
a professional association of lawyers is against a sales tax on their services?
shocker!
what % of legal services are purchased by corporations/big business/municipalities and which % by individuals and small business?
So, of all of the concerns
So, of all of the concerns discussed above, none move you into realizing that there are number of issues with taxing legal services.
Remember, lawyers are not just business people, we are officers of the court. This is a quality no other profession shares. Our constitution does not provide we have a right to medical services, or accounting services or political consulting services--but that we have a right to counsel.
Also, the legislature, generally, does not govern our actions. They do not license us or create our code of conduct, but the courts do.
I am looking for data, but the numbers I am finding, though not directly on point--48% of lawyers are in solo practices and 70-odd% are in firms that have less than 5 people.
It is your assertion that more legal services are provided for big business--prove your own assertion. I maintain that it does not matter for the reasons above. Please, prove your case--show us that there is such a large disparity that it simply does not matter.
This is retarded.
I realize that a lot of folks on this site believe that to be "Progressive" means that once a month you've got to get in a pissing contest about who wants to tax corporations more. Pardon me, but the idea that people want to raise taxes further is preposterous.
Raising Philadelphia's corporate tax rates is like an arsonist trying to set fire to buildings that burned down long ago.
Philadelphia already has the highest tax burden of any American city. For those of you who want to tax big corporations, you already won. We already tax the hell out of corporations. We already force them to pay the highest damn taxes of any U.S. jurisdiction. Let's go out and have a victory party or something. Toss back a couple beers and revel in our city's ability to stick it to the man.
Forcing Comcast to pay taxes on their legal fees will only cause them to hire attorneys located outside of Philadelphia. Taxing services will just cause the relocation of services providers elsewhere - like the western side of City Line Avenue, or City Avenue or whatever they're calling it nowadays.
I know peeps will counter that business won't move because services people like to be in a vibrant community and the marginal increase in their cost of doing business will not affect their desire to be located in a vibrant city - well, I hate to break to you - as cities go, Philadelphia kinda sucks.
Sure, if you compare it to Baltimore or other second rate places, it looks pretty vibrant. But compare Philly to other cities that have strong service sectors (SF, Seattle, Portland, NYC, SD, Atlanta and Boston) Philly comes off looking pretty dodgy (unless of course dodgy is your thing).
The problem with Philly is not that our taxes are not high enough - it's that our services suck. We've got plenty of revenue, we've just got a bunch of people running this city who are in the habit of blowing it on a bunch of $20 whores.
Instead of arguing about how we should raise taxes, we should be arguing about how we're going to kick all those bums out. And instead of fighting amongst ourselves about who is progressive and who is not, we should just focus on who our enemy is and that's the bums in City Hall. Once we get a city government that actually works, I suspect there will be plenty of money to fund all the great ideas that get chewed over on this site.
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Phillyville
Hmm. So THAT'S why you love
all things Nutter, and ranted speciously about why Fattah is such a poor choice as a Mayoral candidate?
Anyway, there is an element to what you say there that I agree is probably largely true. At least theoretically, there are pros and cons of different tax structure policies. Although I think that the anti-BPTers and those in the "oh, those poor overtaxed corporation" camp are, in balance, wrong, I can see some logic to their arguments.
But the dynamic nature of the "truth" in this situation hides another issue. What characteristic most obviously applies to those, in general, who think that Rendell's pro-corporate economic policies are the way to go? What characteristic applies most obviously to those, in general, who feel that Rendell's policies were essentially focused on improving the lot of the already monied? Here's a hint - that same broad-scale difference in characteristics also relates to a very signficant factor in the deterioration in Philly's economy that no one seems to want to talk about. Tax policies, and the trend away from an industrial economy to a service economy no doubt play a role here. But, once again, race is the elephant in the room.
Without some sensitivity to that issue, debating the relative merits of different tax policies seems to me to be not maximally productive. Arguing about what will have the largest benefit to the middle class and corporations has some merit - but all you need to do is take a drive through the vast economically depressed communities in our city to know that there will be no progress made, and certainly no progress that could be made will have the critical mass of support needed to truly be successful across the board, without (1) policies that are directed very specifically at addressing the needs of the poor and working class (which, together, I'm sure makes up the majority of Philadelphians although I don't have any numbers), and (2) policies developed that will garner unified support across different communities.
Questions about whether someone most Philadelphians can afford $214 per hour for legal services rather than $200 per hour, seem a bit off the mark to me.
So, I agree that the problem with Philly is that our services "suck." But you need to bring more than just "throw the bums out," and "oh those poor overtaxed corporations" to the table.
Fattah and the BPT
If Fattah becomes Mayor, Philadelphia stands to lose a substantial amount of money - you can argue with me over whether the amount of money lost will be $1B - but the fact is we will lose hundreds of millions of dollars. That is not a "specious" argument. That's just realism.
As for the BPT, my argument is not "oh those poor overtaxed corporations." I came to the conclusion long before I decided to endorse Nutter on my blog that the reason why Philly cannot attract and retain jobs is not high taxes - the problem is Philly's poor services. And in my opinion, poor services are caused by this city's corrupt leadership.
Unless corruption is addressed, we are wasting our breath talking about better schools, better policing, better transportation, better tax policy or better anything.
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Phillyville
O the humanity
ELP wrote:
Trying my best not to shout, using a sales tax to reduce a flat income tax like the wage tax is probably a regressive tradeoff -- the less income you have the greater the share of your income you will pay in taxes.
The following quote is from chapter 3 of the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy’s guide to fair state and local taxes (http://www.itepnet.org/guide3.pdf):
“Typically, low-income families spend three-quarters of their income on things subject to sales tax, middle-income families spend about half of their income on items subject to sales tax, and the richest families spend only about a sixth of their income on sales-taxable items. Thus, about three-quarters of the income of a low income family, half of a middle-income family’s income and just one-sixth of the income of a rich family is typically subject to sales tax. Put another way, a 6 percent sales tax is the equivalent of an income tax with a 4.5 percent rate for the poor (that’s three-quarters of the 6 percent sales tax rate), a 3 percent rate on the middle-class (half of 6 percent) and a one-percent income tax rate for the rich (one-sixth of 6 percent). Obviously, no one could get away with proposing an income tax that looked like that. The only reason this pattern is tolerated in consumption taxes is that their regressive nature is hidden in a harmless looking single rate, and the amount families pay is hidden in many small purchases throughout the year. The sales tax violates the basic tax fairness principle of taxing according”
Essential reading for all progressives here is the link to ITEP’s full guide on fair state and local taxation - http://www.itepnet.org/guide.htm.
Bad Assumptions and Incomplete Arguments
While I appreciate your research, and I do not mean any disrespect, I believe the assumptions you presented are flawed in your "O the humanity" post, and many of my points were not addressed or considered in your comments. The sales tax is a flat tax and the wage tax is a flat tax, so if you shift a burden from the wage tax to a sales tax it is not a regressive tradeoff but a tradeoff between two flat taxes. You also elected to totally ignore the fact that you could reduce the wage tax and/or real estate taxes to offset an increase in the sales tax. Also, with any change in tax rates or policies there will be winners and losers. Some of the losers may be poorer and some of the winners may be richer. I would argue that minimizing the impact to the poorer part of the population should be a goal, but not an absolute, especially when the non-poor are going to be paying more taxes as well. There are broader funding, and economic development policies that need to be considered into tax policy not just who wins and loses. Also, we already have a sales tax in place in Pennsylvania, so we would not be imposing a new tax, but modifying or increasing a tax. Finally, until we remove the Uniformity Clause, all taxes in Pennsylvania are flat taxes or have a flat tax rate.
The Philadelphia residential wage tax rate is 4.301 percent. Assuming a family income of $20,000 all earned from wages that would mean $860 of wage tax per year. Assuming your quoted ITEP figure of three-quarters of their income is typically spent of items subject to sales tax that would be $1,050 of sales tax per year in Philadelphia.
(I actually have significant doubts about the validity of the ITEP calculation. Assuming a rent or a mortgage cost of $500 per month (no sales tax is applied to this), that would be $6,000 per year; and assuming $860 for wage tax and a combined 10 percent state and federal tax rate (which is actually low, the real combined rate would likely be about 12 - 14 percent) for $2,000 in state and federal taxes, the total of money spent on rent/mortgage and PWT/PA/federal taxes would be $8,860 or 44.3 percent of their $20,000 income. This does not even include the employee's share of FICA/Medicare at 7.65 percent. $20,000 minus $8,860 equals $11,140 or 55.7 percent of income left to potentially spend on items that could have a sales tax applied to them, far less than the ITEP three-quarters of income figure that it claims is typically spent by low-income families on things subject to sales tax).
So, using the ITEP calculation, which I believe is flawed as noted above, we would have $1,050 of sales tax per year in Philadelphia assuming that all of their purchases from $15,000 of their income had the sales tax applied at the 7 percent rate. Adding 1 more percentage point to the sales tax rate would mean $1,200 of sales tax per year or $150 of new sales tax. This would mean that for the family to not "lose" we would need to reduce the wage tax rate from 4.301 percent to 3.55 percent. Would this be possible with the new sales tax revenue, sure and the cost to the family would be neutral. Or let's assume that the family owns a house with an assessment for taxable purposes of $20,000; at 8.264 percent in combined real estate taxes that would be $1,652. Could we reduce their real estate taxes by $150 if that was the policy decision, of course we could.
Using my assumptions above that 55.7 percent of a low income family's income that could be spent on items that have the sales tax applied at $20,000 of income that would mean an additional $111 a year in sales tax if we raised the rate to 8 percent. Could we offset that by reducing other taxes like the PWT or real estate taxes; I believe we could.
The “Equal Tax on Equal Purchases” Fallacy
ELP no offense was taken. Besides I previously openly mock the way you characterized your politics with a reference to an obscure departed Democrat by referencing an even more obscure departed and conservative Democrat. Perhaps an elbow or two in my direction is warranted.
ELP wrote:
This is only true if spending on taxable items as a share of income is the same throught the distribution of income, if middle income families spend a greater share of their income on taxable items than high income families, middle income families will end up paying a greater percentage of their income in taxes. I really don’t think I’m out on limb here, it is generally agreed that sales taxes are regressive.
ELP then wrote:
Right, I think my point was increasing the sales tax to lower the wage tax would produce more “losers” near the bottom of the income distribution.
ELP wrote :
In the end this is an empirical question, one that I suspect you will lose. Your calculations are not sufficient to demonstrate that after the change in tax policy you suggest the tax burden does not more heavily fall upon middle and lower income households.
Whatever the tax structure Philadelphia ends up with, a family with an income of $75,000 should not bear a greater tax burden than a family with an income of $150,000. A family with an income of $50,000 should not bear a greater tax burden than a family with an income of $75,000. Currently the state and local tax burden for a family of three in Philadelphia with an income of $25,000 is 16.5%, at $50,000 the burden is 13.7%, at $75,000 it is 12.6%, at $100,000 it is 11.8%, at $150,000 it is 11.1%.
And finally from ITEP:
And Stan, as usual D.E.II is right nice post!
Sales Tax
Price: I was glad to see your post. I've been following this tax debate for awhile and other than a common sense understanding that the Gross Receipts Tax ought to be abolished, the rest seems esoteric. But one of the few things I remember from my Econ 101 was that a sales tax is regressive. On a percentage basis, it falls most heavily on the poor. So if we raise the sales tax to allow a cut in the property tax to provide relief for retired homeowners, aren't we subsidizing the middle & upper classes (whose property is worth the most) on the backs of the poor to a degree? Of course, casinos also transfer wealth from the poor to the rich, but presumably progressives are opposed to this when it's done though tax policy.
However if we just plug the service loophole
I'm pretty sure we could raise hundreds of millions for the City from that alone, with no increase in the rate, especially if the exemption were lifted statewide and the state sent the proceeds back to the cities for tax relief or improved services. I recognize that some prices for some services that middle class people would like to use would increase marginally, but for the most part those services are already priced out of their range. As Ray has pointed out, however, services are now where the economy is, and it makes no sense to exempt the providers. Sure, they won't like it, but on one thing we have consensus: no one likes to be taxed. But there is no free lunch. We shouldn't overprice it; but everyone should pay something, service providers included.
And also, once again, the state should pay us $110 million for court costs, and the state, feds, and nonprofits should pay us many millions more in service fees for occupying all that exempt property that would otherwise generate real estate taxes.
I'll repeat: we can find a variety of income sources that we can use to make our local tax system more fair and less burdensome to most taxpayers. Instead of assuming that fairness to some means undue burdens to others, why don't we seek common ground on how we can expand our revenue pie from sources that are now going scot-free?